Reducing the rate CO2 emissions by reducing deforestation in poorer Essay

Reducing the rate CO2 emissions by reducing deforestation in poorer countries. Should richer countries pay poorer countries to stop cutting down trees - Essay Example Hence, the environment faces many stern adverse effects. For instance, there is habitat loss causing numerous species that are dependent on the forests to go extinct. Notwithstanding, there is a massive climate change attributed to the acts of deforestation. Essentially, there is an urgent need for the developed countries to intervene and provide funds for poorer nations to help thwart deforestation. Arguably, reduction of emissions emanating from deforestation and environmental degradation can greatly assist in curbing global warming and climate change. Nevertheless, developing nations are not in a position to avoid deforestation because they depend on agriculture for their food security. The situation leads to a need for more land that is essential for agriculture due to a rapidly growing human population. In return, more forests are in danger since they face an invasion from the farmers. Notably, if the developed nations could intervene, more forests can be saved. In subduing deforestation in poorer countries, developed countries need to come together and establish treaties that would support other food production methods. For instance, the alternative methods of agricultural production are expensive for poorer countries to implement. As such, they resort to cheap and easy methods of land cultivation that requires large tracts leading to increased cutting of trees. Thus, fina ncial support to implement such means of alternative agriculture can save the forests a great deal. Poverty has played a substantial role in the degradation of the environment. Most of the world’s rainforests reside in the poorest countries in the universe. The inhabitants of these poor regions rely on the forest ecosystems for survival. Activities in this context entail collection of wood for fuel, gathering, hunting, and they receive some finances from companies that exploit the forest resources. Similarly, most of the people

Qualifying Exam Practice Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2500 words

Qualifying Exam Practice - Essay Example Recently, some certain theorists made focus upon the vast stands of the opposing paradigms in the ultimate pursuance of theoretical clarity in this matter of voter legislation. Nonetheless, it now appears as if it is a renewed matter in integrating and infusing social theories towards a more known and balanced paradigm (Bell, 1992). The article of voter legislation woes, does review some of these considerations that should be highlighted by the parliament, and hence encourage further inquiry and progression into the social theory models, especially as they link to the conflict in question, and its resolution application both locally and internationally. Moreover, certain key concepts would be proposed as a continuous step toward attaining this objective in the United States of America. The initial step relates to a theoretical widening of C. Wright’s concept of sociological imagination. The second step is postulated by George Ritzer’s interest in meta-theories and it ex plains the infusion of ideas from his Major levels of social analysis model. The last one concerns the exploration of new dimensions and entails the dynamics of the social cubism model by Sean (Bew, 1990). With the fall of communism and the Cold war geo[[political order, three interlinked tendencies surface namely, the growing disempowerment of ideologies based on modern rationality, the formation of a new transnational order with an integrated financial mechanism, standards and measures of production and consumption, and the relative fall of the centralized nation state, and modern territorial sovereignty. When viewed critically, all these had an effect on the current voter identification legislation issue of the United States of America. The rise of ethno political conflicts can be shaped by both indigenous aspects and global limitations. Levels of communal linkages shape such conflicts. For ethno political conflicts, both the relations and the international system that occur amon g the nations states must be taken into consideration. In the international system, the circulation of capital, ideologies, and the use of certain crucial powers affect the rise of conflict between and within states (Bell, 1992). The importance of micro-national problems state that structures brought ethno political conflict leading to micro and macro tensions and issues of stalemates. The state can be considered to be losing some aspects of its original power of a self-identity by itself, which is a common, and a self-governing legitimacy. Social and class identities, can be replaced in some scenarios with ethnic, religious, and affiliations having territorial origin. Moreover, the new identities try to portray self-determination, appreciate group definitions and norms, and bring about ethno territorial mobilization, ethno political issues, fragmenting of the state, and not forgetting regionalism around the globe. Globalization works to enforce these local certainties and relations hips in response to the economic identity created by the world markets in the transnational order (Bew, 1992). Nowadays, research on ethno territorial politics typically examines politics, and not forgetting economic structures, so as to emphasize the competing interests of groups, or tend to utilize a psychoanalytic method to emphasize the aspect of both cultural and psychological

Feminist Perspective on the Family

Feminist Perspective on the Family A Woman/s Place Was in the Home: Has Feminism Finished the Family? Government debates and some religious discourse harks back to what Finch (1989) has described as the myth of a golden age of the family. Various studies on the family tend to suggest that in Western societies family forms have differed depending on wider social events such as the Industrial Revolution and also demographically. In England for example, family patterns in rural areas and in poor areas differ from those in more affluent areas. In poorer areas families are more likely to involve wider relationships such as grandparents and aunts and uncles. During the nineteenth century the idea of the nuclear family became the most prevalent. This is what is often referred to as the traditional family and the source of what have been called traditional values. It is this family form that has attracted the most criticism, especially from feminists. Even without a feminist critique there have been widespread experiences of changes in the UK and other Western countries during the last forty years concerning marriage, household, and family forms. These are changes that would have been unimaginable before the Second World War (Giddens, 2001). People wait longer before getting married and more people are less likely to marry than used to be the case. What has been called second wave feminism began in the 1960s. Many of its opponents argue that it is feminism which has led to a drop in the number of marriages, greater divorce rates among those who do marry, and a consequent rise in the number of single parent families. Before the late 1960s having a child out of wedlock was still a source of great social shame but during the closing years of the twentieth century the number women who had children but were not married continued to rise. Figures available for 1997 indicate that at that time this group made up 42% of all lone parent households (Social Trends, 2000). Although feminism has been cited as the cause of such changes, this criticism is based on the view that the â €˜traditional’ family was an eternal form until women challenged this view. This paper will begin with a definition of key concepts. It will then look at the concept and history of the family. It will examine the notion that a woman’s place was in the home until the advent of feminism. It will look at different family forms and then assess whether feminism has brought about the end of traditional ideas of the family. Family Murdock 1949 describes a family in the following way: The family is a social group characterized by common residence, economic co-operation and reproduction. It includes adults of both sexes, at least two of whom maintain a socially approved sexual relationship, and one or more children, own or adopted, of sexually cohabiting adults (Murdock, 1949).[1] Family forms vary across societies but theorists maintain that the most prevalent form is the nuclear family described below. Larger family units are referred to as extended families. Feminism Women have argued for equal rights with men since the 18th Century when Mary Wollstonecraft (1792) wrote her Vindication of the Rights of Women. Other women followed in her stead, the most famous being the Pankhurst sisters and the suffragettes who fought for women’s right to vote (Abbott andWallace, 1997). Modern feminism began in the 1960s with the work of American writer Betty Frieden (1965) and this has come to be known as second wave feminism. Alister McGrath (1993) has written that, Feminism has come to be a significant component of modern western culture. At its heart, feminism is a global movement working towards the emancipation of women. The older term for the movement-womens liberation- expressed the fact that it is at heart a liberation movement directing its efforts toward achieving equality for women in modern society, especially through the removal of obstacles-including beliefs, values, and attitudes- which hinder that process (McGrath, 1993:111). The Concept and History of the Family The family is the primary place of socialization and the place where children are introduced to the norms and values of a given society (Talcott Parsons,1951). Parsons work referred to what has come to be known as the nuclear family. Nuclear families consist of parents and children living together, family members ostensibly provide mutual love and support. It is this support that enables individual family members to contribute to society and lead productive lives (Giddens, 2001). In the nuclear family one of the adults is employed outside the home and there should be an unrestricted sharing of income (Cheal, 1991).Theorists such as Murdock (1949 cited in Giddens, 2001) have argued that traditional concepts of the family are to be found in all societies and that the family is a necessary and central institution in society. Whether one regards traditional notions of the family as being pertinent to all societies depends largely on how the family is defined, certainly it might be argued that the nuclear model is no longer the norm in contemporary society. Willmott and Young (1957) undertook what has come to be regarded as one of the most important studies on the sociology of the family in Britain. The work investigated families and family life in East London during the 1950s. The study was undertaken at a time when housing policies and greater financial rewards meant that when a couple married they were able to set up home on their own. Increased geographical mobility also meant that many young couples lived a good distance from their families. As a consequence of this and the fact that more women were working outside the home it was argued that the division of labour in the home was changing, as more women went out to work so men would take on more domestic chores. Willmott and Young (1957) believed tha t the family would become a more democratic institution where work, finance, and family responsibilities were shared. Willmott and Young maintained that with the passing of time the family would become more symmetrical i.e. that the changing nature of men and women’s roles would mean that their family roles would become interchangeable (Abbott and Wallace, 1997). Feminists challenge this view Walby (1990) maintains that the family is still a site of oppression for women and that this is the place where their roles are perpetuated. Furthermore, feminist writers such as Abbott and Wallace (1997) have argued that the nuclear model of the family is too narrow. They also claim that such a concept neglects the fact that not all family members experience life in the same way, or receive equal measures of support. Goode (1963)argues that social systems such as the family, are powerful agents of control because to some extent their existence is founded on force. Within social systems such as the family this is often unrecognized, because it is hidden it is effective. Gittens (1992) is of the opinion that in modern Britain: Ideals of family relationships have become enshrined in our legal, social, religious and economic systems which, in turn, reinforce the ideology and penalise or ostracise those who transgress it (Gittens, 1992, p.74). The Family and Ideology In pre-industrial society most of the household chores were undertaken by children. There was little distinction between home and work, the private and public spheres, families generally worked the land and they did this together. The rise of industrialization and the growth of the towns brought massive changes to what had constituted the family and family life up until that time. Oakley (1981) maintains that the coming of the factories replaced the family as the unit of production. In 1819 the Factory Act was introduced and this resulted in the growing dependence of children, and also to women’s increased dependence on men and their restriction to the private sphere. During the 19th and early 29th Centuries there was a growing resistance to the employment of married women as wage earners. This was because working women were perceived as threatening to male employment and so there was pressure to keep them at home (Hacker, 1972). The nineteenth century witnessed the embedding of gender roles which were epitomized in men’s idealisation of the feminine. Women were seen to be both physically and emotionally weaker than men and therefore not suited to the same roles. The following is a rationalization for men’s idealistic views of women and why they were confined to the home. No woman can or ought to know very much of the mass of meanness and wickedness and misery that is loose in the wide world. She could not learn it without losing the bloom and freshness which it is her mission in life to preserve (Quoted in Hudson, 1970:53-4). Victorian ideology said that women were created to help men and this became the rationalization for their confinement to the home. To start with this primarily affected the middle classes, as the century progressed, however, the working classes were also subjected to this ideology. Oakley (1981) maintains that this had the effect of locking women into the housewife role, further cementing the growing ideology of gender roles. Murdock (1949 in Giddens, 2001) argued that gender roles are the natural result of the biological differences between men and women. Such differences, he maintained, made the sexual division of labour the most sensible way of organising society. This view became endemic in society and has affected much Government policy. When Margaret Thatcher came to power in 1979 the Conservatives were calling themselves the party of the family. They maintained that people should be discouraged from cohabitation or from homosexuality and supported the patriarchal nuclear famil y where the father was the person to enforce behavioural standards. Even though single parent families, extended families and reconstituted families were becoming more prevalent at the time these were not regarded as the norm or as desirable (Abbott and Wallace, 1997). Barrett and McIntosh (1980) have argued that ideas centred on a man being able to earn enough to support a family benefited the capitalist economy and the working man at the expense of women. They maintain that this idea of a family wage is still embedded in society and has been a major aspect of women’s inequality with men. The idea that a man was entitled to earn a family wage but women were not has meant that women have, (and still do in a number of areas) earn less than men. Furthermore, the low pay which accompanies what is often termed ‘women’s work’ means that women’s choices are restricted and their economic power within marriage has been reduced. Changing Work Patterns Even though there had been widespread resistance towards women working outside the home Oakley (1981) maintains that this began to change after the first World War, and between 1914 and 1950 the number of women working outside the home showed a steady increase. In spite of this their primary role was still seen in terms of being a housewife. Since the 1960s women have been struggling to achieve participation in paid employment which is equal to that of men. This has been the case for women from all walks of life (Abbott and Wallace, 1997). These struggles resulted in the introduction of the Equal Pay Act in 1970 which meant that women were entitled to the same pay as men if they were doing the same job. In 1975 it became illegal under the Sex Discrimination Act to discriminate against women in education, in employment, and in the provision of goods. The European Court demanded a strengthening of the Equal Pay Act in Britain in 1982. This was followed by a further amendment in 1984 wh ich allowed that women were entitled to the same pay as men in their organisations providing they could prove that their work involved the same kinds of decision making and skills as their male counterparts. Women should have equal access and an equal chance for promotion. Some jobs were regarded as outside the confines of the 1975 Sex Discrimination Act e.g. only women could work in a women’s refuge (Haralambos et al 2000). Feminist Criticisms of the Family Since the 1970s and 80s the main sociological focus on families has been concerned with the experiences of women and children, furthermore, the highlighting of these experiences has generated a growth in awareness that the family is an ideological form that does not always work in everyone’s best interests. Feminists have highlighted the fact that for centuries women have been the subordinate sex in society and that this subordination is largely a result of their biology i.e. the fact that they have been born women rather than men. Feminists maintain that there is a disjuncture between women’s experiences of being in a family as wives and mothers and ideologies of domesticity. For a long time many women have felt extremely dissatisfied with the role ascribed to them once they are married and it was this dissatisfaction that Betty Friedan (1965) was seeking to express when she referred to the experience of American housewives in the 1960s as suffering from ‘the pro blem that has no name’. For some women the ideal of family life is seen as desirable, but their experiences within their own families, falls far short of that ideal (Stanley and Wise, 1983). The gender roles that women have been assigned are constructed on the basis of this biological difference rather than such roles being innate (Abbott and Wallace, 1997). Gender roles are socially constructed and reinforced through the family and the education system. This is done through the different ways that authority figures have of relating to boys and girls, and the fact that there is a tendency to give girls dolls and tea sets, and to give boys toy cars and construction sets (Firestone, 1971). However, Connell (1987) has argued that this view tends to ignore the capacity of individuals to accept or reject the social expectations that are embedded in gender roles. Thus Connell maintains that boys and girls may choose elements from each others roles e.g. the tendency of some girls to become involved in competitive sports, and boys dressing in drag when alone. Connell (1987) has said that this may result in males and females building themselves a fantasy life that is in contradic tion to their public actions, thus gender roles can be interchangeable. Feminists have also pointed out that gender socialization is evident in a hidden curriculum in the education system where books that represent males and females in ‘traditional’ roles reinforce the view that men and women have different paths in life. Until the late 1980s girls were less likely than boys to achieve the requisite number of A levels to enter university. In recent years the focus has tended to be on the growing underachievement of boys because girls are matching or exceeding boys across the curriculum and thus there are more women entering higher education. This does not, however, give them much advantage in the job market where they are disadvantaged in comparison with males who have the same qualification levels (Epstein, et al, 1998). Despite these things Moore (2002), maintains that things are changing, men are taking on more domestic responsibility than they were 20 years ago and often have a much greater involvement with their children than in the past. This has gained official recognition through the introduction of parental leave. In the past, although mothers were entitled to maternity leave, fathers did not have paternity leave. Parental leaves allows both parents to legitimate time off, however, unless men have sympathetic employers, this leave is unpaid and so often not taken. Changes within families has also meant (as mentioned earlier) that the structure of the family itself is changing. As it has already been noted, women’s subordination increased with the rise of industrialisation and the separation between public and private spheres (Oakley 1981). The continuing erosion of this distinction over the latter half of the 20th Century has been a significant factor in the changing nature of the family. There are a number of forces at work in the decline of what has been called the traditional family. Feminists have highlighted these changes while at the same time exposing the unequal power relationships that exist within society and within the family (Harding, 1987, Walby, 1986). They relate this inequality to the patriarchal nature of society. Rich (1976) has argued that patriarchy is a social and ideological system where men determine the roles that women should or should not play in society. Oakley (1981 and Pahl (1983)[2] have cited the division of roles, both within the family, and in the wider society, as a major site of oppression for women. Traditionally the man has been seen as the breadwinner once children arrive and this puts the woman at a disadvantage as research has shown that there is a relationship between money, power and inequality (Vogler, C and Pahl, J.1999)[3]. Because the family has been seen as the primary site of socialization (Parsons, 1951), it is also a useful place for social conditioning where obedience to authority lays the foundation for the submissive workforce that capitalism requires. Delphy (1977) has argued that gender differences are socially constructed and they tend to serve the interests of the dominant groups in society. Delphy further contends that women should be treated as a separate class because the categories of man and woman are not biological, but political and economic categories. Therefore women form a class who are exploited by men, and this is particularly evident in the nuclear family. Thus, Delphy writes: While the wage-labourer sells his labour power, the marrie woman gives hers away; exclusivity and non-payment are intimately connected. To supply unpaid labour within the framework of a universal and personal relationship (marriage) constructs primarily a relationship of slavery (Delpy, 1977:15). Marxist feminists argue that while Marxism may give an explanation of exploitation by the capitalist system it does not explain the inequalities between women and men, as Delphy (1977) maintains gender and sexual inequality should be the fundamental categories of feminist analysis. Marxism alone does not explain for example why women should be seen as responsible for household tasks and capitalism could just as easily still profit if men stayed at home The Community Care Act of 1990 has imposed further responsibilities on women in the role of informal carers, this places considerable stress on women’s health, particularly as nowadays many women who have a family also work outside the home. Dalley (1988) argues that much Government’s policy making, particularly the idea of community care is based on outmoded notions of the ideal family, where most married women do not go out to work, and b) it is the woman’s duty to assume the caring role. Under such circumstances it is widely assumed that the caring that women do in the home is a natural part of women’s role within the family even though many more women work than used to be the case. Changing Family Structures Since the Second World War there has been a dramatic rise in women’s participation in the workforce, although a lot of this has been part-time employment. The 1991 Census shows that the workforce was 47% women although there were regional and ethnic variations and single women are more likely to be employed than are married women. This is largely because women’s participation in the labour market is affected by their domestic responsibilities (Abbott and Tyler, 1995). Many women spend time out of the labour market when they have young children and then may work part time while children are at school only returning to full employment when their children are older. Few women have continuous careers as a result of their domestic responsibilities. Although child care arrangements do have an effect on women’s working patterns, lack of proper child care is not the only reason women do not participate more fully in the workplace. For example, while the number of women i n work has continued to rise only a third of single mothers with young children are economically active (HMSO, 1999). This is due to the fact that, despite Government initiatives such as Sure Start Centres, most lone mothers do not have either sufficient extra support to return to the workplace, or can only take low paid work which may leave them worse off than they were on benefits. In addition to this the welfare system was formed on the basis that the traditional nuclear family, with a man at its head, should be the norm. It is not, therefore, set up to deal with the increasing number of single parent households (Moore, 2002). Government continued concentration on the notion of the traditional family, tends to make single parent families appear as deviant, when in fact this type of family has become more prevalent as have other family forms. Gittins (1993) maintains that there are a wide variety of domestic relationships and that although relationships may be universal, the can take an infinite variety of forms. Besides the nuclear family there is the extended family, often a feature of minority ethnic groups. There are also many single parent families, whether through death, divorce or choice. Second marriages that often result in what is known as reconstituted families, e.g. where one or both partners have children from other relationships, are also becoming more prevalent. The last twenty years have also seen a rise in the number of people living together, or cohabiting, without the bonds of marriage. Different family relationships are also more evident due to the different ethnic groupings that now make up the UK (Giddens, 2001). Different attitudes towards those people who are not heterosexual has meant that an increasing number of gay and lesbian men and women now choose to live together as couples, and may or may not have children.[4] According to Hartley-Brewer (1999) contends that the family (as we have known it) is evolving, rather than the emphasis being on mother and father it should be on nurturing parents of whatever sex. It might therefore be argued that the home may soon cease to be the specific place for women and could become the place for dependent children and caregiver, who may not necessarily be a biological parent. Conclusion This assignment has looked at the concept and history of the family and at feminist criticisms. As noted earlier an increasing number of families are matriarchal or matrifocal, this is often the case in Caribbean families. This has generated debates about whether fatherless families are the source of an increasing number of social problems. Dennis and Erdos (1992) maintain that without adult examples of the proper conduct in relationships the children from families with absent fathers will not have the ability to become effective members of a social group. It is further argued that if a boy grows up without a father present then he will struggle to be a successful parent himself. Blankenhorn (1995) has argued that the high divorce rates of Western nations does not mean simply the absence of fathers from the home but the erosion of the idea of fatherhood, and that this will have lethal consequences. Fukuyama (1997) maintains that the roots of the disruption of society and of the tradi tional family can be attributed to the rising numbers of female employment. This, he argues, changes men’s perceptions of women, they now perceive women a being more capble and independent and thus able to care for a child without a man’s help. It is Fukuyama’s (1997) contention that the emancipation of women can lead to the further abdication of responsibility by men. Clearly a number of social and historical forces have contributed to the changing nature of the family. Many of these forces have been highlighted in feminist work, whether or not feminism has brought about the death of the family is a matter of opinion. On the evidence presented above it might be argued that feminism itself was the result of social, historical, and economic processes and it is these processes, rather than feminism, that is changing our view of what constitutes a family. Bibliography Abbott and Wallace, 1997 An Introduction to Sociology: Feminist Perspectives. London, Routledge Abbott and Tyler 1995 Ethnic variation in the female labour force: a research note†in British Journal of Sociology 46 pp 330-353 Allan, Graham and Crow, Graham 2001 Families, Households and Society: Basingstoke: Palgrove Barrett and Mcintosh 1980 â€Å"The family wage: Some problems for socialists and Feminists† Capitlalism and Class 11 pp51-72 Blankenhorn, D 1995 Fatherless America New York, Basic Books Cheal,m D 1991 The Family and the State of Theory Hemel Hempstead, Harvester, Wheatsheaf Connell, R. 1987 Gender and Power: Society, the Person and Sexual Politics Cambridge, Polity Coontz, S, and Henderson, P. eds. 1986. Women’s Work, Men’s Prosperity. London, Verso. Crow, G. and Hardey, M. 1992 â€Å"Diversity and ambiguity among lone-parent households in Modern Britain† in Marsh, C. and Arber, S. eds 1992 Families and Households: Divisions and Change. London, Macmillan. Dalley, G. 1988 Ideologies of caring: Rethinking Community and Collectivism London, Macmillan Delphy, C 1977 The Main Enemy London, Women’s Research and Resource Centre Dennis, N and Erdos, G 1992 Families without Fatherhood London, IEA Health and Welfare Unit Epstein et al 1998 Failing boys: Issues in Gender and Achievement Buckingham, OUP Finch, J 1989 Family Obligartions and Social Change Cambridge, Polity Press Firestone, S. 1971 The Dialectic of Sex: The Case for Feminist Revolution London, Cape Friedan, B 1965 The Feminist Mystique, Penguin Books, Harmondsworth Fukuyama F. 1997 The End of Order London, Social Market Foundation Giddens, A. 2001 4th edition. Sociology. Cambridge, Polity Press. Gittens, D. 1993 The Family in Question: Changing households and familial ideologies London, Macmillan Goode w. 1963 World Revolution and Family Patterns New York, Free Press Graham, H. 1993 Hardship and Health in Women’s Lives Hemel Hempstead, Harvester/Wheatsheaf Hacker, H. 1972 â€Å"Women as a Minority Group† in Glazer-Malbin and Waehrer eds. 1972. Woman in a Man-Made World. Chicago, Rand-Mcnally Haralambos,M. Holborn, M. and Heald, R.2000. 5th ed. Sociology: Themes and Perspectives. London, Harper Collins. Hartley-Brewer, J. 1999†Gay couple will be legal parents† Guardian 28th October 1999 Hartmann, H. 1981. â€Å"The unhappy marriage of Marxism and feminism: toward a more progressive union† in Sargent, L. ed. 1981 The Unhappy Marriage of Marxism and Feminism: A Debate on Class and Patriarchy. London, Pluto Press HMSO 1999 Social Trends 29 London, HMSO Hudson, K., 1970. The Place of Women in Society. London, Ginn. McGrath, A 1993 Modern Christian Thought, Blackwell, Oxford Moore, S 2002 Social Welfare Alive (3rd ed) Cheltenham, Nelson Thorne Murdock, G. 1949. Social Structure. New York, Macmillan. Oakley, A. 1981. Subject Women. Oxford, Martin Robinson Parsons, T. and Bales, R. 1955. Family, Socialisation, and Interaction Process. Glencoe, Illinois: Free Press Parsons, T. 1951 The Social System New York, The Free Press Stanley and Wise 1983 Breaking Out London, Routledge Walby, S 1986 Patriarchy at Work, Cambridge, Polity. Walby,S. 1990. Theorising Patriarchy. Blackwell, Oxford. Walby,S. 1997. Gender Transformations. London, Routledge Willmott and Young 1957 Family and Kinship in East London London, Harmondsworth Wollstonecraft, M 1792 The Disenfranchisement of Women, in Schneir, M (ed.) 1996 The Vintage Book of Historical Feminism, Vintage, London 1 Footnotes [1] Quoted in Haralambos and Holborn, 2000:504 no page given for Murdock quote. [2] Cited in Abbott and Wallace 1997 ibid. [3] Ditto [4] Either through the adoption process, artificial insemination, or an earlier heterosexual relationship

Essays on Rape -- Catharine MacKinnon Susan Estrich Essays

Essays on Rape Only Words, by Catharine MacKinnon is a collection of three essays; each essay argues her claim that sexual words and pictures should be banned instead of Constitutionally protected under the First Amendment as free speech. In her first essay, â€Å"Defamation and Discrimination,† MacKinnon takes the stance that pornography is sex, and should not be treated as speech, but as a sexist act. She claims that pornography is an action, just as, â€Å"a sign saying ‘White Only’ is only words, but †¦ it is seen as the act of segregation that it is.†(MacKinnon 13) MacKinnon claims that other action words, such as death threats, are banned, pornography should be banned as well. According to her essay, pornography rapes women. First, the photographers select already victimized women to be photographed, and thereby re-victimizing them. Then each man who views the pornography uses the ideas he attains from it to force his own sexual partner to perform the acts in the pornography. In the second essay, â€Å"Racial and Sexual Harassment,† MacKinnon states, â€Å"if ever words have been understood as acts, it has been when they are sexual harassment.†(MacKinnon 45) She explains how written words can have the same effects on a reader as an action. They can evoke the same fear and violation as a physical threat of rape. In her final essay, â€Å"Equality and Speech,† MacKinnon suggests that the words as actions that she has describes in her previous essays should be subject to a group defamation lawsuit. She states that the Constitution protects speech that promotes sexual inequality. She feels that the Fourteenth Amendment should cover the discrimination allowed in the First Amendment. Susan Estrich’s Real Rape is an essay preaching proposed changes in rape statutes. Estrich first describes, in great detail, the history of rape legislation in England. She follows pertinent cases through history, citing changes and analyzing the effects of those changes. Estrich bases her findings on summaries, dissents, and other legal documentation. She then describes the current law, and evaluates how it has changed the way in which the court views rape. Throughout her essay, Estrich makes a distinction between classic rape and simple rape. She defines the former as aggravated rape by a stranger, and the latter as rape by a date or acquaintance. Estrich focuses on simple ... ... although it can be used to hurt, it can also be used to bring aid and information to those in need. Imposing limits on freedom of expression would dampen our nation’s uniqueness and suppress the voice of the people. Her idea that pornography acts as sex and can therefore be banned because it is no longer speech is ludicrous and rash. The repercussions of such an amendment would change our society to one of ultimate government control. The examples that she gives to relate pornography to racism are limited in scope. She suggests that because Henri Matisse’s â€Å"The Blue Nude†(Matisse) portrays an unclothed female that a man may, in her words, â€Å"get off on,†(MacKinnon 58) it should be banned. The line between art and explicit pornography is not one that the government should be able to draw. The government should, however, protect victims from physical acts of rape as Susan Estrich describes. Bibliography: Estrich, Susan. Real Rape. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1987. MacKinnon, Catharine. Only Words. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1993. Matisse, Henri. The Blue Nude. The Baltimore Museum of Art, Baltimore, Maryland.

Crime and Punishment Dreams

Sometimes a dream is much more than simply a dream. Sigmund Freud explains a dream’s ‘latent content’ is heavily derived from the ‘manifest’ dream-thoughts. The manifest being what is evident in the dream, and the latent being the underlying meaning of the dream. In Raskolnikov’s dream, the manifest is that he is a seven year old boy who is fond of horses. He sees a horse being tortured and beat, bringing amusement to the townspeople, as he walks with his father. As the horse dies, he goes to hug the beast and kisses it.When Raskolnikov awakens, he renounces that â€Å"accursed dream of [his]† and wonders if he can actually â€Å"take an axe [and] split her skull open,† referring to the pawnbroker, Alyona Ivanovna. The latent content to Raskolnikov’s dream highlights his dual personality. Similar to the instance of the drunken girl, Raskolnikov evinces his emotional and compassionate side by showing his love for horses as h e runs to it when it is killed. At the same time, his rational and abstract views are also described as he thinks about committing the crime and believes he has every right to do so.It is not evident who Raskolnikov clearly is in the dream. He is a representation of the horse, the boy himself, or even the gruesome murderer of the horse, Mikolka. He represents the horse because he thinks of himself as a victim in a terrible life, the boy because he can be loving  and have emotions and Mikolka because of his thoughts and plans to kill Alyona. Even though his dream is very blatant in its story, the overall meaning of it signifies something much more than just a flashback.

Forward the Foundation Chapter 12

13 Up and down. Up and down. Up and down. Gleb Andorin watched Gambol Deen Namarti trudging up and down. Namarti was obviously unable to sit still under the driving force of the violence of his passion. Andorin thought: He's not the brightest man in the Empire or even in the movement, not the shrewdest, certainly not the most capable of rational thought. He has to be held back constantly-but he's driven as none of the rest of us are. We would give up, let go, but he won't. Push, pull, prod, kick. Well, maybe we need someone like that. We must have someone like that or nothing will ever happen. Namarti stopped, as though he felt Andorin's eyes boring into his back. He turned around and said, â€Å"If you're going to lecture me again on Kaspalov, don't bother.† Andorin shrugged lightly. â€Å"Why bother lecturing you? The deed is done. The harm-if any-has been done.† â€Å"What harm, Andorin? What harm? If I had not done it, then we would have been harmed. The man was on the edge of being a traitor. Within a month, he would have gone running â€Å" â€Å"I know. I was there. I heard what he said.† â€Å"Then you understand there was no choice. No choice. You don't think I liked to have an old comrade killed, do you? I had no choice.† â€Å"Very well. You had no choice.† Namarti resumed his tramping, then turned again. â€Å"Andorin, do you believe in gods?† Andorin stared, â€Å"In what?† â€Å"In gods.† â€Å"I never heard the word. What is it?† Namarti said, â€Å"It's not Galactic Standard. Supernatural influences. How's that?† â€Å"Oh, supernatural influences. Why didn't you say so? No, I don't believe in that sort of thing. By definition, something is supernatural if it exists outside the laws of nature and nothing exists outside the laws of nature. Are you turning into a mystic?† Andorin asked it as though he were joking, but his eyes narrowed with sudden concern. Namarti stared him down. Those blazing eyes of his could stare anyone down. â€Å"Don't be a fool. I've been reading about it. Trillions of people believe in supernatural influences.† â€Å"I know,† said Andorin. â€Å"They always have.† â€Å"They've done so since before the beginning of history. The word ‘gods' is of unknown origin. It is, apparently, a hangover from some primeval language of which no trace any longer exists, except that word. Do you know how many different varieties of beliefs there are in various kinds of gods?† â€Å"Approximately as many as the varieties of fools among the Galactic population, I should say.† Namarti ignored that. â€Å"Some people think the word dates back to the time when all humanity existed on but a single world.† â€Å"Itself a mythological concept. That's just as lunatic as the notion of supernatural influences. There never was one original human world.† â€Å"There would have to be, Andorin,† said Namarti, annoyed. â€Å"Human beings can't have evolved on different worlds and ended as a single species.† â€Å"Even so, there's no effective human world. It can't be located, it can't he defined, so it can't be spoken of sensibly, so it effectively doesn't exist.† â€Å"These gods,† said Namarti, continuing to follow his own line of thought, â€Å"are supposed to protect humanity and keep it safe or at least to care for those portions of humanity that know how to make use of the gods. At a time when there was only one human world, it makes sense to suppose they would be particularly interested in caring for that one tiny world with a few people. They would care for such a world as though they were big brothers-or parents.† â€Å"Very nice of them. I'd like to see them try to handle the entire Empire.† â€Å"What if they could? What if they were infinite?† â€Å"What if the Sun were frozen? What's the use of ‘what if?† â€Å"I'm just speculating. Just thinking. Haven't you ever let your mind wander freely? Do you always keep everything on a leash?† â€Å"I should imagine that's the safest way, keeping it on a leash. What does your wandering mind tell you, Chief?† Namarti's eyes flashed at the other, as though he suspected sarcasm, but Andorin's face remained good-natured and blank. Namarti said, â€Å"What my mind is telling me is this-If there are gods, they must be on our side.† â€Å"Wonderful-if true. Where's the evidence?† â€Å"Evidence? Without the gods, it would just be a coincidence, I suppose, but a very useful one.† Suddenly Namarti yawned and sat down, looking exhausted. Good, thought Andorin. His galloping mind has finally wound itself down and he may talk sense now. â€Å"This matter of internal breakdown of the infrastructure-† said Namarti, his voice distinctly lower. Andorin interrupted. â€Å"You know, Chief, Kaspalov was not entirely wrong about this. The longer we keep it up, the greater the chance that Imperial forces will discover the cause. The whole program must, sooner or later, explode in our faces.† â€Å"Not yet. So far, everything is exploding in the Imperial face. The unrest on Trantor is something I can feel.† He raised his hands, rubbing his fingers together. â€Å"I can feel it. And we are almost through. We are ready for the next step.† Andorin smiled humorlessly. â€Å"I'm not asking for details, Chief. Kaspalov did and look where that got him. I am not Kaspalov.† â€Å"It's precisely because you're not Kaspalov that I can tell you. And because I know something now I didn't then.† â€Å"I presume,† said Andorin, only half-believing what he was saying, â€Å"that you intend a strike on the Imperial Palace grounds.† Namarti looked up. â€Å"Of course. What else is there to do? The problem, however, is how to penetrate the grounds effectively. I have my sources of information there, but they are only spies. I'll need men of action on the spot.† â€Å"To get men of action into the most heavily guarded region in all the galaxy will not be easy.† â€Å"Of course not. That's what has been giving me an unbearable headache till now-and then the gods intervened.† Andorin said gently (it was taking all his self-restraint to keep from showing his disgust), â€Å"I don't think we need a metaphysical discussion. What has happened-leaving the gods to one side?† â€Å"My information is that His Gracious and Ever to Be Beloved Emperor Cleon I has decided to appoint a new Chief Gardener. This is the first new appointee in nearly a quarter of a century.† â€Å"And if so?† â€Å"Do you see no significance?† Andorin thought for a moment. â€Å"I am not a favorite of your gods. I don't see any significance.† â€Å"If you have a new Chief Gardener, Andorin, the situation is the same as having a new administrator of any other type-the same as if you had a new First Minister or a new Emperor. The new Chief Gardener will certainly want his own staff. He will force into retirement what he considers dead wood and will hire younger gardeners by the hundreds.† â€Å"That's possible.† â€Å"It's more than possible. It's certain. Exactly that happened when the present Chief Gardener was appointed and the same when his predecessor was appointed and so on. Hundreds of strangers from the Outer Worlds-â€Å" â€Å"Why from the Outer Worlds?† â€Å"Use your brains-if you have any, Andorin. What do Trantorians know about gardening when they've lived under domes all their lives, tending potted plants, zoos, and carefully arranged crops of grains and fruit trees? What do they know about life in the wild?† â€Å"Ahhh. Now I understand.† â€Å"So there will be these strangers flooding the grounds. They will be carefully checked, I presume, but they won't be as tightly screened as they would be if they were Trantorians. And that means, surely, that we should be able to supply just a few of our own people, with false identifications, and get them inside. Even if some are screened out, a few might make it-a few must make it. Our people will enter, despite the supertight security established since the failed coup in the early days of First Minister Seldon.† (He virtually spat out the name, as he always did.) â€Å"We'll finally have our chance.† Now it was Andorin who felt dizzy, as if he'd fallen into a spinning vortex. â€Å"It seems odd for me to say so, Chief, but there is something to this ‘gods' business after all, because I have been waiting to tell you something that I now see fits in perfectly.† Namarti stared at the other suspiciously and looked around the room, as though he suddenly feared for security. But such fear was groundless. The room was located deep in an old-fashioned residential complex and was well shielded. No one could overhear and no one, even with detailed directions, could find it easily-nor get through the layers of protection provided by loyal members of the organization. Namarti said, â€Å"What are you talking about?† â€Å"I've found a man for you. A young man-very naive. A quite likable fellow, the kind you feel you can trust as soon as you see him. He's got an open face, wide-open eyes; he's lived in Dahl; he's an enthusiast for equality; he thinks Joranum was the greatest thing since Dahlite cokeicers; and I'm sure we can easily talk him into doing anything for the cause.† â€Å"For the cause?† said Namarti, whose suspicions were not in the least alleviated. â€Å"Is he one of us?† â€Å"Actually, he's not one of anything. He's got some vague notions in his head that Joranum wanted sector equality.† â€Å"That was his lure. Sure.† â€Å"It's ours, too, but the kid believes it. He talks about equality and popular participation in government. He even mentioned democracy.† Namarti snickered. â€Å"In twenty thousand years, democracy has never been used for very long without falling apart.† â€Å"Yes, but that's not our concern. It's what drives the young man and I tell you, Chief, I knew we had our tool just about the moment I saw him, but I didn't know how we could possibly use him. Now I know. We can get him onto the Imperial Palace grounds as a gardener.† â€Å"How? Does he know anything about gardening?† â€Å"No. I'm sure he doesn't. He's never worked at anything but unskilled labor. He's operating a hauler right now and I think that he had to be taught how to do that. Still, if we can get him in as a gardener's helper, if he just knows how to hold a pair of shears, then we've got it.† â€Å"Got what?† â€Å"Got someone who can approach anyone we wish-and do so without raising the flutter of a suspicion-and get close enough to strike. I'm telling you he simply exudes a kind of honorable stupidity, a kind of foolish virtue that inspires confidence.† â€Å"And he'll do what we tell him to do?† â€Å"Absolutely.† â€Å"How did you meet this person?† â€Å"It wasn't I. It was Manella who really spotted him.† â€Å"Who?† â€Å"Manella. Manella Dubanqua.† â€Å"Oh. That friend of yours.† Namarti's face twisted into a look of prissy disapproval. â€Å"She's the friend of many people,† said Andorin tolerantly. â€Å"That's one of the things that makes her so useful. She can weigh a man quickly and with very little to go on. She talked to this fellow because she was attracted to him at sight-and I assure you that Manella is not one who is usually attracted by anything but the bottom line-so, you see, this man is rather unusual. She talked to this fellow-his name is Planchet, by the way-and then told me, ‘I have a live one for you, Gleb.' I'll trust her on the matter of live ones any day of the week.† Namarti said slyly, â€Å"And what do you think this wonderful tool of yours would do once he had the run of the grounds, eh, Andorin?† Andorin took a deep breath. â€Å"What else? If we do everything right, he will dispose of our dear Emperor Cleon, First of that Name, for us.† Namarti's face blazed into anger. â€Å"What? Are you mad? Why should we want to kill Cleon? He's our hold on the government. He's the facade behind which we can rule. He's our passport to legitimacy. Where are your brains? We need him as a figurehead. He won't interfere with us and we'll be stronger for his existence.† Andorin's fair face turned blotchy red and his good humor finally exploded. â€Å"What do you have in mind, then? What are you planning? I'm getting tired of always having to second-guess.† Namarti raised his hand. â€Å"All right. All right. Calm down. I meant no harm. But think a bit, will you? Who destroyed Joranum? Who destroyed our hopes ten years ago? It was that mathematician. And it is he who rules the Empire now with his idiotic talk about psychohistory. Cleon is nothing. It is Hari Seldon we must destroy. It is Hari Seldon whom I've been turning into an object of ridicule with these constant breakdowns. The miseries they entail are placed at his doorstep. It is all being interpreted as his inefficiency, his incapacity.† There was a trace of spittle in the corners of Namarti's mouth. â€Å"When he's cut down, there will be a cheer from the Empire that will drown out every holovision report for hours. It won't even matter if they know who did it.† He raised his hand and let it drop, as if he were plunging a knife into someone's heart. â€Å"We will be looked upon as heroes of the Empire, as saviors. Eh? Eh? Do you think your youngster can cut down Hari Seldon?† Andorin had recovered his sense of equanimity-at least outwardly. â€Å"I'm sure he would,† he said with forced lightness. â€Å"For Cleon, he might have some respect; the Emperor has a mystical aura about him, as you know.† (He stressed the â€Å"you† faintly and Namarti scowled.) â€Å"He would have no such feelings about Seldon.† Inwardly, however, Andorin was furious. This was not what he wanted. He was being betrayed. 14 Manella brushed the hair out of her eyes and smiled up at Raych. â€Å"I told you it wouldn't cost you any credits.† Raych blinked and scratched at his bare shoulder. â€Å"But are you going to ask me for some now?† She shrugged and smiled rather impishly. â€Å"Why should I?† â€Å"Why shouldn't you?† â€Å"Because I'm allowed to take my own pleasure sometimes.† â€Å"With me?† â€Å"There's no one else here.† There was a long pause and then Manella said soothingly, â€Å"Besides, you don't have that many credits anyway. How's the job?† Raych said, â€Å"Ain't much but better than nothing. Lots better. Did you tell that guy to get me one?† Manella shook her head slowly. â€Å"You mean Gleb Andorin? I didn't tell him to do anything. I just said he might be interested in you.† â€Å"Is he going to be annoyed because you and I-â€Å" â€Å"Why should he? None of his business. And none of yours, either.† â€Å"What's he do? I mean, what does he work at?† â€Å"I don't think he works at anything. He's rich. He's a relative of the old Mayors.† â€Å"Of Wye?† â€Å"Right. He doesn't like the Imperial government. None of those old Mayor people do. He says Cleon should-â€Å" She stopped suddenly and said, â€Å"I'm talking too much. Don't you go repeating anything I say.† â€Å"Me? I ain't heard you say nothing at all. And I ain't going to.† â€Å"All right.† â€Å"But what about Andorin? Is he high up in Joranumite business? Is he an important guy there?† â€Å"I wouldn't know.† â€Å"Don't he ever talk about that kind of stuff?† â€Å"Not to me.† â€Å"Oh,† said Raych, trying not to sound annoyed. Manella looked at him shrewdly. â€Å"Why are you so interested?† â€Å"I want to get in with them. I figure I'll get higher up that way. Better job. More credits. You know.† â€Å"Maybe Andorin will help you. He likes you. I know that much.† â€Å"Could you make him like me more?† â€Å"I can try. I don't know why he shouldn't. I like you. I like you more than I like him.† â€Å"Thank you, Manella. I like you, too. A lot.† He ran his hand down the side of her body and wished ardently that he could concentrate more on her and less on his assignment. 15 â€Å"Gleb Andorin,† said Hari Seldon wearily, rubbing his eyes. â€Å"And who is he?† asked Dors Venabili, her mood as cold as it had teen every day since Raych had left. â€Å"Until a few days ago I never heard of him,† said Seldon. â€Å"That's the trouble with trying to run a world of forty billion people. You never hear of anyone, except for the few who obtrude themselves on your notice. With all the computerized information in the world, Trantor remains a planet of anonymities. We can drag up people with their reference numbers and their statistics, but whom do we drag up? Add twenty-five million Outer Worlds and the wonder is that the Galactic Empire has remained a working phenomenon for all these millennia. Frankly I think it has existed only because it very largely runs itself. And now it is finally running down.† â€Å"So much for philosophizing, Hari,† said Dors. â€Å"Who is this Andorin?† â€Å"Someone I admit I ought to have known about. I managed to cajole the security establishment into calling up some files on him. He's a member of the Wyan Mayoralty family-the most prominent member, in fact-so the security people have kept tabs on him. They think he has ambitions but is too much of a playboy to do anything about them.† â€Å"And is he involved with the Joranumites?† Seldon made an uncertain gesture. â€Å"I'm under the impression that the security establishment knows nothing about the Joranumites. That may mean that the Joranumites no longer exist or that, if they do, they are of no importance. It may also mean that the security establishment just isn't interested. Nor is there any way in which I can force it to be interested. I'm only thankful the officers give me any information at all. And I am the First Minister.† â€Å"Is it possible that you're not a very good First Minister?† said Dors, dryly. â€Å"That's more than possible. It's probably been generations since there's been an appointee less suited to the job than myself. But that has nothing to do with the security establishment. It's a totally independent arm of the government. I doubt that Cleon himself knows much about it, though, in theory, the security officers are supposed to report to him through their director. Believe me, if we only knew more about the security establishment, we'd be trying to stick its actions into our psychohistorical equations, such as they are.† â€Å"Are the security officers on our side, at least?† â€Å"I believe so, but I can't swear to it.† â€Å"And why are you interested in this what's-his-name?† â€Å"Gleb Andorin. Because I received a roundabout message from Raych.† Dors's eyes flashed. â€Å"Why didn't you tell me? Is he all right?† â€Å"As far as I know, but I hope he doesn't try any further messages. If he's caught communicating, he won't be all right. In any case, he has made contact with Andorin.† â€Å"And the Joranumites, too?† â€Å"I don't think so. It would sound unlikely, for the connection is not something that would make sense. The Joranumite movement is predominantly lower-class-a proletarian movement, so to speak. And Andorin is an aristocrat of aristocrats. What would he be doing with the Joranumites?† â€Å"If he's of the Wyan Mayoralty family, he might aspire to the Imperial throne, might he not?† â€Å"They've been aspiring for generations. You remember Rashelle, I trust. She was Andorin's aunt.† â€Å"Then he might be using the Joranumites as a stepping-stone, don't you think?† â€Å"If they exist. And if they do-and if a stepping-stone is what Andorin wants-I think he'd find himself playing a dangerous game. The Joranumites-if they exist-would have their own plans and a man like Andorin may find he's simply riding a greti-â€Å" â€Å"What's a greti?† â€Å"Some extinct animal of a ferocious type, I think. It's just a proverbial phrase back on Helicon. If you ride a greti, you find you can't get off, for then it will eat you.† Seldon paused. â€Å"One more thing. Raych seems to be involved with a woman who knows Andorin and through whom, he thinks, he may get important information. I'm telling you this now so that you won't accuse me afterward of keeping anything from you.† Dors frowned. â€Å"A woman?† â€Å"One, I gather, who knows a great many men who will talk to her unwisely, sometimes, under intimate circumstances.† â€Å"One of those.† Her frown deepened. â€Å"I don't like the thought of Raych-â€Å" â€Å"Come, come. Raych is thirty years old and undoubtedly has much experience. You can leave this woman-or any woman, I think-safely to Raych's good sense.† He turned toward Dors with a look so worn, so weary, and said, â€Å"Do you think I like this? Do you think I like any of this?† And Dors could find nothing to say.

ACT Registration Dates and Deadlines (2019, 2020)

ACT Registration Dates and Deadlines (2019, 2020) SAT / ACT Prep Online Guides and Tips To ensure you have asolid ACT study plan, you must firstfamiliarizeyourself with ACT registration dates.What and when are the most important ACT deadlines?How can knowing these deadlines benefit you as a test taker? In this article, we go over upcoming ACT registration dates and examine the general patterns of ACT registration deadlines. We also discuss the differences in deadlines for late registration, standby registration, and changes to your test reservation before wrapping up with a look athow you can use ACT deadlines to your advantage. When Are ACT Registration Dates for 2019 and 2020? ACT registration dates are typicallyfive weeks and one day before each test. For the February and July test dates (the July date is a new addition to the ACT testing schedule as of 2018), ACT registration dates are usually four weeks and one dayprior to their respective test dates. In other words, eachACT registration deadline falls on a Friday around amonth before eachtest. The table below presents upcoming ACT registration deadlines and test dates for 2019 and 2020. All of these dates have been officially confirmed by ACT, Inc.Note that the late registration deadlines apply to testing sessions in the U.S. and Canadaonly. ACT Test Date Normal ACT Registration Deadline Late ACT Registration Deadline Standby Request Deadline September 14, 2019 August 16, 2019 August 30, 2019 September 6, 2019 October 26, 2019 September 20, 2019 October 4, 2019 October 18, 2019 December 14, 2019 November 8, 2019 November 22, 2019 December 6, 2019 February 8, 2020 January 10, 2020 January 17, 2020 January 31, 2020 April 4, 2020 February 28, 2020 March 13, 2020 March 27, 2020 June 13, 2020 May 8, 2020 May 22, 2020 June 5, 2020 July 18, 2020* June 19, 2020 June 26, 2020 July 10, 2020 **Not scheduled internationally or in New York or California. The normal ACT registration dates are the latest dates on which you can register for the ACT without having topay a latefee.Once a normal registration deadline has passed, you can still register for that test during itslate registration period; however, you'll have to pay a late fee of $30. If you miss the late registration deadline, you can sign up for standby testing by paying a standby fee of $53. The standby period begins immediately after the late registration deadline and continues until exactly eight days before the test date. Standby requests are not guaranteed and are only available on a first-come, first-served basis. But what abouthow early you can register for the ACT? ACT testing years follow school years from fall to summer; thus,registration opens for all ACT test dates in a testing year every July. This means that starting this July, you’ll be able to register for any 2019-2020 ACT test date, from as early as the September 2019 test date to as late as the July 2020 test date. Now that we’ve covered the basics of ACT registration dates, let’s take a look at some of thekey ACT deadlines and fees you'll need to know before signing up for a test session. There goes that two-dollar bill you've been saving since you were 5. Important ACT Deadlines Fees In addition to normal ACT registration deadlines, there are also deadlines for phone registration, late registration, standby testing, and changes to test reservations. The following table presents an overview of these major ACT deadlines and the fees associated with them. Please note that no matter when or how you register for the ACT, you must alwayspay a test registration fee, whichwill be either $50.50 for the ACT without Writing or $67 for the ACT with Writing. (If you qualify for an ACT fee waiver, however, you won't have to pay this fee.) Deadline Fee Normal Registration Typically 5 weeks and 1 day before test date;4 weeks and 1 day before February and July test dates $0 Phone Registration* Same as normal registration deadlines $15 Late Registration (U.S. Canada only) Typically 2 weeks after normal registration deadline;1 week after normal registration deadlines for February and July test dates $30 Standby Request Typically 8 days before test date $53** Test Date Changes No later than thelate registration deadline for your preferred test date $30*** Test Center Changes No later than thelate registration deadline for your test date $30*** *To register by phone, you need tohave previously registered for the ACT. **This fee, along with the registration fee, will be refunded to you if you are not given a seat on test day. ***Late fees still apply if you are submitting your request after the normal registration period has already passed. Next, we'll look at the benefits of knowing ACT registration dates. What Do ACT Registration Deadlines Mean for YOU? So farwe’ve given youa list of upcoming ACT registration datesalong with a detailed overview of ACT deadlines and fees. But what can you actually do with all of this information? For one, knowing ACT registration dates allows you to choose a test date ahead of time and avoid paying any late fees. Whileyou certainly don't need tomemorize all of the ACT deadlines above, knowthis:normal registration deadlines are usually about a month before their respective test dates. As long as you can remember this fact,you’ll always be able toplan out your ACT schedule accordingly and avoid spending more money than you need to on the test. On a related note, if you'relooking to save as much money as possible, try to regard each normal registration deadline as the latest possible deadline. This way you’ll never be tempted to fork out extra money for late registration or standby testing. ACT registration deadlines also give youa rough idea as tohow much study time you’ll have beforeyour test. For example, if you were to register for an ACT test date right before its normal registration deadline, you'd only have amonth or so to study for the test. Even more challenging, let's sayyou were to register for an ACT test date at the end of the late registration period. In this case, you'donly have aboutthree weeks to prepare for the test - and you'd have to pay a $30 late fee on top of that! Although both of these ACT prep plans are technically feasible, three or four weeks isn’t a whole lot of study time. Instead, werecommend spending anywhere fromtwo to six monthsstudying for the ACT. Therefore,it's best to registerat least a month before your desired test date’s normal registration deadline. Doing this guarantees you a minimum of eight to nine weeks for dedicated ACT prep. Ultimately, unless a certain ACT testdate is your last opportunity to take the test before your college applications are due, it'll be best for you to avoid registeringlate! What’s Next? Need help choosing an ACT test date? No matter your grade level or college plans,our full guide toACT test datesoffers premier adviceon how to pinpointthe ACT test date (or dates!) that'll work perfectly for you. Ready to get started?Register for the ACT usingour step-by-step guide! Andif you're home-schooled, we've got you covered, too! Want to learn more about upcoming ACT test dates? Our article on future ACT test dates tells you everything you need to know about taking the ACT in 2019, 2020, and 2021. Want to improve your ACT score by 4+ points? Download our free guide to the top 5 strategies you need in your prep to improve your ACT score dramatically.